Spartacus Blog

John Maynard Keynes, the Daily Mail and the Treaty of Versailles

Thursday, 28th January, 2018

John Simkin

In January 1915, John Maynard Keynes was recruited to the Treasury, after pressure from Edwin Montagu, who had witnessed his talent in the India Office. It was through Montagu that he was introduced to H. H. Asquith, David Lloyd George and Reginald McKenna. He took the job reluctantly as he had been opposed to Britain taking part in the First World War. (1)

The shortage of recruits in 1915 became so bad that George V was asked to make an appeal: "At this grave moment in the struggle between my people and a highly-organized enemy, who has transgressed the laws of nations and changed the ordinance that binds civilized Europe together, I appeal to you. I rejoice in my Empire's effort, and I feel pride in the voluntary response from my subjects all over the world who have sacrificed home, fortune, and life itself, in order that another may not inherit the free Empire which their ancestors and mine have built. I ask you to make good these sacrifices. The end is not in sight. More men and yet more are wanted to keep my armies in the field, and through them to secure victory and enduring peace.... I ask you, men of all classes, to come forward voluntarily, and take your share in the fight". (2)

Alfred Harmsworth, Lord Northcliffe, the press baron, now began to advocate conscription (compulsory enrollment). On 16th August, 1915, the Daily Mail published a "Manifesto" in support of national service. (3) The Conservative Party agreed with Lord Northcliffe about conscription but most members of the Liberal Party and the Labour Party were opposed to the idea on moral grounds. Some military leaders objected because they had a "low opinion of reluctant warriors". (4)

This put Keynes in a difficult position as most of his friends were conscientious objectors. Keynes worked through Philip Morrell and sympathetic ministers such as Reginald McKenna to attempt to ensure that the Military Service Bill would be amended to protect the rights of conscientious objectors. Keynes had thoughts of resigning, but decided "to stay until they actually begin to torture my friends." (5)

One of his friends, Clive Bell recorded: "Keynes was a conscientious objector... To be sure he was an objector of a peculiar and, as I think, most reasonable kind. He was not a pacifist; he did not object to fighting in any circumstances; he objected to conscription. He would not fight because Lloyd George, Horatio Bottomley and Lord Northcliffe told him to." (6)

When he received his call-up pages, he replied on Treasury writing-paper: "I claim complete exemption because I have a conscientious objection to surrendering my liberty of judgment on so vital a question as undertaking military service. I do not say that there are not conceivable circumstances in which I should voluntarily offer myself for military service. But after having regard to all the actually existing circumstances, I am certain that it is not my duty so to offer myself, and I solemnly assert to the Tribunal that my objection to submit to authority in this matter is truly conscientious." (7) According to Roy Harrod: "This appears to have quelled the authorities, for he was troubled by them no more." (8)

One of Keynes' friends, Kingsley Martin, was a pacifist who was totally opposed to Britain's involvement in the First World War. A conscientious objector, he refused to serve in the armed forces but was willing to carry out non-military duties. After a few months working as a medical orderly in a British hospital treating wounded soldiers, Martin joined the Society of Friends' Ambulance Unit (FAU) and later that year was working on the Western Front. He was critical of Keynes refusal to take a stand on the war. He quoted fellow conscientious objector, Bertrand Russell, who claimed that Keynes' work at the Treasury "consisted of finding ways of killing the maximum number of Germans at the minimum expense". (9)

John Maynard Keynes believed that the British government should negotiate a peace agreement with Germany. Keynes rejected Lloyd George's commitment to total victory, and feared its consequences. In a letter to Duncan Grant he claimed that "I work for a government I despise for ends I think criminal". (10) Robert Skidelsky argued: "The Prime Minister's remarkable political skills aroused in him only aesthetic and moral repugnance. He lived in the hope that Lloyd George's deviousness would prove his undoing. He fantasized about the downfall of his class which had so nervelessly placed supreme power in the hands of an adventurer." (11)

1918 General Election

By August 1918, it was clear that the latest German offensive had failed and on 4th October the new German government of Max von Baden, asked for an armistice on the basis of the Fourteen Points announced by President Woodrow Wilson. Lloyd George was totally opposed to several of the points as he believed that Wilson was trying to undermine the country's ability to protect the British Empire. Keynes wrote to his mother: "I still think the prospects of peace good. But I suspect a possibility of wickedness on our part and an unwillingness to subscribe to the whole of Wilson's fourteen commandments." (12)

David Lloyd George was determined to have a general election as soon as possible after the Armistice. King George V wanted the election to be delayed until the public bitterness towards Germany and the desire for revenge had faded, but Lloyd George insisted on going to the country in the "warm after-glow of victory". It was announced that the 1918 General Election would take place on 12th December. (13)

Lloyd George ran a campaign that questioned the patriotism of Labour candidates. This included Arthur Henderson, the leader of the Labour Party who had served in the government as Minister without Portfolio. Henderson's crime was that he did not call for the Kaiser to be hanged and for Germany to pay the full cost of the war. One of his opponents, James Andrew Seddon, the former President of the Trade Union Congress, and now a National Democratic Labour Coalition candidate, commented: "Mr Henderson was very sore because he was being labelled a pacifist. He might not be a pacifist but he had his foot on the slippery slope." (14)

According to Duff Cooper, Lloyd George feared his tactics were not working and he asked the the main newspaper barons, Lord Northcliffe, Lord Rothermere and Lord Beaverbrook, for help in his propaganda campaign. (15) They arranged for candidates to be sent telegrams that demanded: "For the guidance of your constituency will you kindly state whether, if elected, you will support the following: (i) Punishment of the Kaiser (ii); Full payment for the war by Germany (iii); The expulsion from the British isles of all Enemy Aliens." (16)

In every issue of The Daily Mail, Lord Northcliffe he insisted on the hanging of Kaiser Wilhelm II and indemnities from Germany. However, he wrote to George Riddell that he would not use his newspapers and personal influence to "support a new Government elected at the most critical period of the history of the British nations" unless he knew "definitely and in writing" and could approve "the personal constitution of the Government". When Riddell passed along this demand for the names of his prospective ministers to Lloyd George, he replied that he would "give no undertaking as to the constitution of the Government and would not dream of doing such a thing." (17)

Drawing of Charles Bradlaugh beingevicted from the House of Commons in 1880
Poster for Albert Edward Martin, a Coalition Liberal (1918)

David Lloyd George argued during the campaign that he was the "man who won the war" and he was "going to make Britain a fit country for heroes to live in." Although he told Winston Churchill in private that he was going to urge the execution of the Kaiser he left his fellow candidates to call for him to be hanged. The government minister, Eric Geddes, promised to squeeze Germany "until the pips squeak". In reply to those Labour politicians who called for a fair peace agreement that would prevent further wars, Lloyd George responded by calling them "extreme pacifist Bolsheviks". (18)

The General Election results was a landslide victory for David Lloyd George and the Coalition government: Conservative Party (382); Coalition Liberal (127), National Labour Coalition (4) and Coalition National Democrats (9) . The Labour Party won only 57 seats and lost most of its leaders including Arthur Henderson, Ramsay MacDonald, Philip Snowden, George Lansbury and Fred Jowett. The Liberal Party returned 36 seats and its leader H. H. Asquith was defeated at East Fife. (19)

Paris Peace Conference

On 21st November, 1918, ten days after Germany's surrender, John Maynard Keynes wrote to his mother, "I have been put in principal charge of financial matters for the Peace Conference". (20) The Paris Peace Conference opened in January 1919. Keynes produced a memorandum that suggested that the British of £4,000m should be the claim of the Allies under the head of "reparation". The treasury document emphasized that this represented damage "done directly" to the civilian population - mainly destruction of civilian life and property through enemy action. However, Keynes suggested that the maximum Germany could pay was estimated at £3,000m; and an actual payment of £2,000m would be "a very satisfactory achievement in all the circumstances". The memorandum concluded that "if Germany is to be 'milked', she must not first of all be ruined". (21)

David Lloyd George put in a claim for £25 billion of reparations at the rate of £1.2 billion a year. Georges Clemenceau wanted £44 billion, whereas Woodrow Wilson said that all Germany could afford was £6 billion. On 20th March 1919, Lloyd George explained to Wilson that it would be difficult to "disperse the illusions which reign in the public mind". He had of course been partly responsible for this viewpoint. He was especially worried about having to "face up" to the "400 Members of Parliament who have sworn to exact the last farthing of what is owing to us." (22)

Lloyd George argued that Germany should pay the costs of widows' and disability pensions, and compensation for family separations. John Maynard Keynes was totally opposed to the idea. (23) He argued that if reparations were set at a crippling level the banking system, certainly of Europe and probably of the world, would be in danger of collapse. (24) Lloyd George replied: "Logic! Logic! I don't care a damn for logic. I am going to include pensions." (25)

Philip Kerr, 11th Marquess of Lothian, also advised Lloyd George against demanding too much from Germany: "You may strip Germany of her colonies, reduce her armaments to a mere police force and her navy to that of a third rate power, all the same if she feels that she has been unjustly treated in the peace of 1919, she will find means of exacting retribution from her conquerors... The greatest danger that I see in the present situation is that Germany may throw in her lot with Bolshevism and place her resources, her brains, her vast organising powers at the disposal of the revolutionary fanatics whose dream is to conquer the world for Bolshevism by force of arms." (26)

Will Dyson, Peace and Future Cannon Fodder, (Daily Herald, 1913)
Will Dyson, Daily Herald (17th May, 1919)

When it was rumoured that Lloyd George was willing to do a deal closer to the £6 billion than the sum proposed by the French, The Daily Mail began a campaign against the Prime Minister. This included publishing a letter signed by 380 Conservative backbenchers demanding that Germany pay the full cost of the war. "Our constituents have always expected and still expect that the first edition of the peace delegation would be, as repeatedly stated in your election pledges, to present the bill in full, to make Germany acknowledge the debt and then discuss ways and means of obtaining payment. Although we have the utmost confidence in your intentions to fulfil your pledges to the country, may we, as we have to meet innumerable inquiries from our constituents, have your renewed assurances that you have in no way departed from your original intention." (27)

Lloyd George made a speech in the House of Commons where he argued that it was wrong to suggest that he was willing to accept a lower figure. He ended his speech with an attack on Lord Northcliffe, who he accused of seeking revenge for his exclusion from the government. "Under these conditions I am prepared to make allowance, but let me say that when that kind of diseased vanity is carried to the point of sowing dissension between great allies whose unity is essential to the peace of the world... then I say, not even that kind of disease is a justification for so black a crime against humanity." (28)

Negotiations continued in Paris over the level of reparations. The Australian prime minister, William Hughes, joined the French in claiming the whole cost of the war, his argument being that the tax burden imposed on the Allies by the German aggression should be regarded as damage to civilians. He estimated the cost of this was £25 billion. John Foster Dulles, commented that in his opinion, Germany should only pay about £5 billion. Faced with the possibility of an American veto, the French abandoned their claims to war costs, being impressed by Dulles's argument that, having suffered the most damage, they would get the largest share of reparations. (29)

David Lloyd George eventually agreed that he been wrong to demand such a large figure and told Dulles he "would have to tell our people the facts". John Maynard Keynes suggested to Edwin Montagu that whereas Germany should be required to "render payment for the injury she has caused up to the limit of her capacity" but it was "impossible at the present time to determine what her capacity was, so that the fixing of a definite liability should be postponed." (30)

Keynes explained to Jan Smuts that he believed the Allies should take a new approach to negotiations: "This afternoon... Keynes came to see me and I described to him the pitiful plight of Central Europe. And he (who is conversant with the finance of the matter) confessed to me his doubt whether anything could really be done. Those pitiful people have little credit left, and instead of getting indemnities from them, we may have to advance them money to live." (31)

On 28th March, 1919, Keynes warned Lloyd George about the possible long-term economic problems of reparations. "I do not believe that any of these tributes will continue to be paid, at the best, for more than a very few years. They do not square with human nature or march with the spirit of the age." He also thought any attempt to collect all the debts arising from the First World War would poison, and perhaps destroy, the capitalist system. (32)

Keynes argued that it was in the best interest of the future of capitalism and democracy for the Allies to deal swiftly with the food shortages in Germany: "A proposal which unfolds future prospects and shows the peoples of Europe a road by which food and employment and orderly existence can once again come their way, will be a more powerful weapon than any other for the preservation from the dangers of Bolshevism of that order of human society which we believe to be the best starting point for future improvement and greater well-being." (33)

Eventually it was agreed that Germany should pay reparations of £6.6 billion (269bn gold marks). Keynes was appalled and considered that the figure should be around £2 billion. He wrote to Duncan Grant: "I've been utterly worn out, partly by incessant work and partly by depression at the evil round me... The Peace is outrageous and impossible and can bring nothing but misfortune... Certainly if I were in the Germans' place I'd die rather than sign such a Peace... If they do sign, that will really be the worst thing that could happen, as they can't possibility keep some of the terms, and general disorder and unrest will result everywhere. Meanwhile there is no food or employment anywhere, and the French and Italians are pouring munitions into Central Europe to arm everyone against everyone else... Anarchy and Revolution is the best thing that can happen, and the sooner the better." (34)

The Treaty of Versailles was signed on 28th June 1919. Keynes wrote to Lloyd George explaining why he was resigning: "I can do no more good here. I've on hoping even though these last dreadful weeks that you'd find some way to make of the Treaty a just and expedient document. But now it's apparently too late. The battle is lost. I leave the twins to gloat over the devastation of Europe, and to assess to taste what remains for the British taxpayer." (35)

After resigning and returning to England he wrote to his mother: "On Monday I began to write a new book... on the economic condition of Europe as it now is, including a violent attack on the Peace Treaty and my proposals for the future... I was stirred into it by the deep and violent shame which one couldn't help feeling for the events of Monday, and my temper may not keep up high enough to carry it through." (36)

It has been argued by Robert Skidelsky: "He (Keynes) had resigned from the Treasury in 'misery and rage' - a misery and rage which had been building up right through the war. It was compounded of the moral strain of working for a war he did not believe in, and of the guilt at having prospered, while his friends had suffered, for the views which they had jointly held. These emotions give his writing its tension, its moral and stylistic force." (37)

Over the next few months he settled down to a regular routine at Charleston Farmhouse. He breakfasted at 8 a.m., and wrote till lunch time. After lunch he read The Times, did the gardening and wrote letters. He wrote to Duncan Grant: "Most of the day I think about my book, and write it for about two hours, so that I get on fairly well and am now nearly half-way through the third chapter of eight. But writing is very difficult... I've finished today a sketch of the appearance and character of Clemenceau, and am starting tomorrow on Wilson. I think it's worthwhile to try, but it's really beyond my powers." (38)

The Economic Consequences of the Peace was published on 12th December 1919. The main theme of the book was about how the war had damaged the delicate economic mechanism by which the European peoples had lived before 1914, and how the Treaty of Versailles, far from repairing this damage, had completed the destruction. It praised the economic growth in the 19th century. "In Europe, the interference of frontiers and tariffs was reduced to a minimum... Over this great area there was an almost absolute security of property and person." (39)

Keynes warned that the belligerent governments had been forced by war to embark on a ruinous course of inflation, which was potentially fatal for capitalist civilisation. He argued that by inflation governments confiscate wealth arbitrarily and thus strike at the "confidence in the equity of the existing distribution of wealth". Those who do well out of inflation become the objects of hatred of those "whom the inflationism has impoverished". Keynes quoted Lenin as saying that "there is no subtler, no surer means of overturning the existing basis of society than to debauch the currency". Keynes warned that if inflation was not dealt with, it could result in the overthrow of the capitalist system. (40)

Keynes pointed out that Germany could only pay reparations only by means of an export surplus, which would give it the foreign exchange to pay its annual tribute. However, in the five years before the war Germany's adverse balance of trade averaged £74m a year. By increasing its exports and reducing its imports Germany might in time be able to generate an annual export surplus of £50m, equivalent to £100m at post-war prices. Spread over thirty years this would come to a capital sum of £1,700m, invested at 6 per cent a year. Adding to this £100m-£200m available from transfers of gold, property, etc., he concluded that "£2,000m is a safe maximum figure of Germany's capacity to pay". (41)

Keynes outlined his alternative economic peace treaty: German damages limited to £2,000m; cancellation of inter-Allied debts; creation of a European free trade area and an international loan to stabilise the exchanges. If these remedies were not adopted: "Nothing can then delay for long that final civil war between the forces of reaction and the despairing convulsions of revolution, before which the horrors of the late German war will fade into nothing, and which will destroy, whoever is victor, the civilisation and the progress of our generation." (42)

The Economic Consequences of the Peace was critised in France. Raphael Georges-Levy argued that Germany could readily pay what the Allies claimed. Henri Brenier accused Keynes of understating Germany's pre-war production, and minimizing the damage Germany had done to France's occupied regions. On the question of Germany's capacity to pay the accepted French view was that the right course was to fix a large capital sum and adjust the annual payments from time to time in the light of Germany's enlarging export capacity. As Robert Skidelsky pointed out: "This rather missed the point, for Germany would have no incentive to enlarge its exports, if the addition was to be confiscated." (43)

The Liberal and Labour press praised the book. John Lawrence Hammond, in the Manchester Guardian, accepted Keynes's view that "the economic losses inflicted on Germany made it absolutely impossible for her to carry out the terms of the Treaty". (44) Arthur Cecil Pigou, one of Britain's leading economists, congratulated Keynes on his "absolutely splendid and quite unanswerable argument". (45) Kingsley Martin, a committed socialist, who was a student at the time: "It was wonderful for us to have a high authority saying with inside knowledge of the Treaty what we felt emotionally". (46)

Conservative newspapers hated the book. The Sunday Chronicle called Keynes a representative of "a certain... dehumanised intellectual point of view" which failed to accept that Germany had to be punished. (47) Others accused him of being guilty of not showing "wholesome partisanship". (48) The Spectator rejected Keynes's ideas and argued: "The International Financial Conference has carefully inquired into all the facts, and it has come to the conclusion that it is well within your capacity to pay that amount. Now get to work. Under the system of credit which has been arranged there is nothing to stop you. The sooner you earn the necessary amount and pay it over to us, the sooner you will recover your complete independence, your comfort, and your self-respect." (49)

Alfred Harmsworth, Lord Northcliffe, had argued in The Daily Mail that David Lloyd George had been too soft on the Germans and was putting "the cost of the war on the backs of the British people". Northcliffe claimed that Lloyd George had given in to the pressure of German financial agents. "It is a deplorable thing that after all our sufferings and the sacrifices of all the gallant boys that have gone that in the end we should be beaten by financiers." (50)

Northcliffe also instructed Henry Wickham Steed, the editor of The Times, to criticise Keynes's book. He argued that Keynes's ideas was a misplaced revolt of economics against politics: "If the war taught us one lesson above all others it was that the calculations of economists, bankers, and financial statesmen who preached the impossibility of war because it would not pay were perilous nonsense... Germany went to war because she made it pat in 1870-71, and believed she could make it pay again." (51)

The Economic Consequences of the Peace made John Maynard Keynes world famous. The book sold extremely well. By 22nd April 1920, 18,500 had been sold in England, and nearly 70,000 in the United States. Two months later it was reported that world sales were well over 100,000, and the book had been translated into German, Dutch, Flemish, Danish, Swedish, Italian, Spanish, Rumanian, Russian, Japanese and Chinese. (52)

Some commentators claimed that if Keynes ideas had been followed we would have avoided the Second World War. However, the French historian, Etienne Mantoux, argued in his book, The Carthaginian Peace or the Economic Consequences of Mr Keynes (1946), that by discrediting the Treaty of Versailles, encouraged the appeasement of Adolf Hitler in the 1930s, and thus helped cause the war. A. J. P. Taylor claimed that Mantoux had "demonstrated that the Germans could have paid reparations, without impoverishment, if they had wanted to do so; and Hitler gave a practical demonstration of this when he extracted vast sums from the Vichy government of France". (53)

This has been dismissed by Robert Skidelsky who has pointed out: "It was the Lloyd George tactic of inserting unenforceable claims which destroyed the credibility of the Treaty. Constant revision of the schedules of German payments in the 1920s paved the way for Hitler's successful assaults on the territorial clauses in the 1930s. More generally the mood of appeasement in the 1930s was created more by the revulsion against the slaughter voiced by poets, novelists and playwrights than by rejection of punitive damages." (54)


(1) Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: Hopes Betrayed 1883-1920 (1983) page 296

(2) King George V, statement issued on 11th October, 1915.

(3) The Daily Mail (16th August, 1915)

(4) Roy Hattersley, David Lloyd George (2010) page 361

(5) Donald Moggridge, Maynard Keynes: An Economist's Biography (1995) page 255

(6) Clive Bell, Old Friends: Personal Recollections (1957) page 42

(7) John Maynard Keynes, letter to Military Tribunal (28th February, 1916)

(8) Roy Harrod, The Life of John Maynard Keynes (1951) page 214

(9) Kingsley Martin, Father Figures (1966) page 100

(10) John Maynard Keynes, letter to Duncan Grant (15th December, 1917)

(11) Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: Hopes Betrayed 1883-1920 (1983) page 345

(12) John Maynard Keynes, letter to Florence Keynes (25th October, 1918)

(13) Kenneth Owen Morgan, Consensus and Disunity: The Lloyd George Coalition Government 1918-1922 (1986) page 21

(14) The Stratford and Newham Express (2nd November, 1918)

(15) Duff Cooper, diary entry (3rd December, 1918)

(16) Martin Pugh, Speak for Britain: A New History of the Labour Party (2010) page 123

(17) George Riddell, More Pages from My Diary (1934) page 146

(18) Hugh Purcell, Lloyd George (2006) page 75

(19) Roy Hattersley, David Lloyd George (2010) page 488

(20) John Maynard Keynes, letter to Florence Keynes (21st November, 1918)

(21) Memorandum by the Treasury on the Indemnity Payable by the Enemy Powers for Reparation and Other Claims (26th November 1918)

(22) Margaret Macmillan, Peacemakers (2003)  page 200

(23) Roy Hattersley, Borrowed Time (2009) page 31

(24) Roy Harrod, Life of John Maynard Keynes (1951) page 244

(25) Roy Hattersley, David Lloyd George (2010) page 497

(26) Philip Kerr, 11th Marquess of Lothian, Fontainebleau Memorandum (22nd March 1919)

(27) Peter Rowland, David Lloyd George (1976) page 489

(28) David Lloyd George, speech in the House of Commons (16th April, 1919)

(29) Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: Hopes Betrayed 1883-1920 (1983) page 364

(30) John Maynard Keynes, letter to Edwin Montagu (11th March, 1919)

(31) Jan Smuts, letter to Mrs Gillett (9th April, 1919)

(32) John Maynard Keynes, memorandum to British delegation (28th March, 1919)

(33) Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: Hopes Betrayed 1883-1920 (1983) page 369

(34) John Maynard Keynes, letter to Duncan Grant (14th May, 1919)

(35) Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: Hopes Betrayed 1883-1920 (1983) page 369

(36) John Maynard Keynes, letter to Florence Keynes (25th June, 1919)

(37) Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: Hopes Betrayed 1883-1920 (1983) page 378

(38) John Maynard Keynes, letter to Duncan Grant (17th July, 1919)

(39) John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of Peace (1919) page 9

(40) John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of Peace (1919) pages 148-149

(41) John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of Peace (1919) page 124

(42) John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of Peace (1919) page 170

(43) Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: Hopes Betrayed 1883-1920 (1983) page 394

(44) John Lawrence Hammond, Manchester Guardian (24th December, 1919)

(45) Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: Hopes Betrayed 1883-1920 (1983) page 394

(46) Kingsley Martin, Father Figures (1966) page 101

(47) The Sunday Chronicle (21st December, 1919)

(48) Blackwood Magazine (20th February, 1920)

(49) The Spectator (24th January, 1920)

(50) J. Lee Thompson, Northcliffe: Press Baron in Politics 1865-1922 (2000) pages 323-324

(51) Henry Wickham Steed, The Times (5th January, 1920)

(52) Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: Hopes Betrayed 1883-1920 (1983) page 394

(53) A. J. P. Taylor, The Origins of the Second World War (1991) page 70

(54) Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: Hopes Betrayed 1883-1920 (1983) page 398


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The First World War and the War Propaganda Bureau (28th July, 2014)

Interpretations in History (8th July, 2014)

Alger Hiss was not framed by the FBI (17th June, 2014)

Google, Bing and Operation Mockingbird: Part 2 (14th June, 2014)

Google, Bing and Operation Mockingbird: The CIA and Search-Engine Results (10th June, 2014)

The Student as Teacher (7th June, 2014)

Is Wikipedia under the control of political extremists? (23rd May, 2014)

Why MI5 did not want you to know about Ernest Holloway Oldham (6th May, 2014)

The Strange Death of Lev Sedov (16th April, 2014)

Why we will never discover who killed John F. Kennedy (27th March, 2014)

The KGB planned to groom Michael Straight to become President of the United States (20th March, 2014)

The Allied Plot to Kill Lenin (7th March, 2014)

Was Rasputin murdered by MI6? (24th February 2014)

Winston Churchill and Chemical Weapons (11th February, 2014)

Pete Seeger and the Media (1st February 2014)

Should history teachers use Blackadder in the classroom? (15th January 2014)

Why did the intelligence services murder Dr. Stephen Ward? (8th January 2014)

Solomon Northup and 12 Years a Slave (4th January 2014)

The Angel of Auschwitz (6th December 2013)

The Death of John F. Kennedy (23rd November 2013)

Adolf Hitler and Women (22nd November 2013)

New Evidence in the Geli Raubal Case (10th November 2013)

Murder Cases in the Classroom (6th November 2013)

Major Truman Smith and the Funding of Adolf Hitler (4th November 2013)

Unity Mitford and Adolf Hitler (30th October 2013)

Claud Cockburn and his fight against Appeasement (26th October 2013)

The Strange Case of William Wiseman (21st October 2013)

Robert Vansittart's Spy Network (17th October 2013)

British Newspaper Reporting of Appeasement and Nazi Germany (14th October 2013)

Paul Dacre, The Daily Mail and Fascism (12th October 2013)

Wallis Simpson and Nazi Germany (11th October 2013)

The Activities of MI5 (9th October 2013)

The Right Club and the Second World War (6th October 2013)

What did Paul Dacre's father do in the war? (4th October 2013)

Ralph Miliband and Lord Rothermere (2nd October 2013)